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Chapter 6: Kobe and Niigata in Japan represent the radical change in
port city development that came with the incorporation of Japan into the
world trading system in the late 19th century. In 1850, Kobe was scarcely
on the map, while Niigata was an important port city of a wealthy region
on the Japan Sea coast. Today Kobe is Japan's largest port, and Niigata
is by comparison a very modest port. The cause of this dramatically different
development, of course, is the different location of the two cities on
world routes. That difference continues to have major implications into
the present. A. A Century of Japanese Growth Like many countries, the history of Japan's population growth
has followed the course, as both cause and consequence, of modern economic
development. There was a long pre-modern history of very slow population
growth, a spurt to rapid growth with rates reaching 1-1.4 percent per
year in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, followed by
a modern rapid fall in fertility, bringing a return to very low rates
of population growth. Along with this population growth, Japan has become
a wealthy industrialized nation, with one of the world's highest levels
of per capita output and personal welfare. This broad pattern of population
and development provides the larger environment in which Kobe and Niigata
became modern port cities, so it is of some value to examine the national
development in more detail. Although this slower rate of growth has some advantages, it also raises
a series of its own problems, especially arising in the field of the labor
force. Of the total population of 124 million in 1990, 64 million (monthly
average) were in the labor force. The unemployment level stood at just
1.4 million or about 2.2 percent of the labor force. This very low rate
of unemployment may appear an advantage compared to many countries, but
for Japan it also signals a labor shortage. The hardest hit are now the
small and medium sized firms, which find it difficult to raise wages and
benefits to attract more workers. The larger companies have the capacity
to increase these economic incentives, but this may also imply a reduction
in rates of investment or capital formation. Economic growth
and industrialization have also meant rapid urbanization. With the severe
constraints on land, this has resulted in high population concentrations,
and extremely high density in some cities. It has also caused most of
environmental problems that are associated with rapid urbanization. Thus,
in addition to planning for economic' development, Japan has also had
to address a series of problems arising from rapid population 'growth
and urbanization. B. Location and History of Kobe and Niigata Kobe faces the Pacific Ocean in the Osaka Bay. It occupies
a narrow shelf of land two to four kilometers wide, running east-west
along the sea for about 30 kilometers. To the north the shelf, it is bounded
by the sharp rise of the Rokko Mountains, which are made up of weathered
granite and rise to a height of nearly 1,000 meters. To the south, the
land drops sharply into the sea to form an excellent deep water harbor.
Niigata sits across Japan about 500 kilometers northeast from Kobe, at
the edge of the Japan Sea. The city is the capital of Niigata Prefecture,
which extends over 250 kilometers along the sea, and southward away from
the sea for about 80 kilometers at its widest point. The size of the city
itself, however, is more similar to that of Kobe, as it extends along
the sea for about 30 kilometers and inward for 20 kilometers at its widest
point. Perry's Black Ships put an end to Japan's seclusion, and in the process to Tokugawa rule. Non-Tokugawa Han, especially the Choshu and Satsuma, had increased in wealth and power after 1830, and in the middle of 19th century posed a serious threat to the Tokugawa. In a series of political maneuvers and military clashes, in which foreign powers played an important role, the Tokugawa were removed from power, and the Emperor Meiji was restored to a ruling position. Japan was now opened to the outside world and thrust onto a path of modernization. But the economic centers of this outside world lay to the east and south, reached from the Pacific Coast, and not to the west and north on the more isolated Japan Sea. Thus, the modern period would see a rapid development of the Pacific port cities, which would quickly overtake the Japan Sea ports in power, wealth, and influence. These
differences in location and in physical characteristics will be seen to
exercise a profound influence on the way these two cities develop, the
problems they face, and the ways they have addressed those problems. Both
cities were chartered as open cities on April 1, 1889, along with 29 other
cities, but already Kobe had a population three times that of Niigata.
Through the first half of the twentieth century, both cities' populations
grew at the same rate. Niigata continued to be an important port, but
Kobe rapidly overtook it in number of ships arriving and volume of cargo. C. Basic Comparative Statistics: Kobe and Niigata The
basic figures showing this contrasting development are seen in table 1.
Figures 1, 2 and 3, and appendix tables also provide more detail of patterns
of growth within the cities. The populations of both cities have increased
by a factor of ten since they were opened about a century ago in 1889.
Kobe had a somewhat higher growth rate in the first half century, and
a slower growth rate in the second half. Both cities have increased their
area substantially, and this has contributed to the population growth.
(Maps in the appendix provide a clear picture of this areal growth.) Kobe
expanded earlier than Niigata, evidence of its greater economic expansion.
Niigata's more rapid 1950s population growth is closely related to the
recent rapid expansion of the city area. The economic growth is clearly
seen in the port activity, where the divergence in growth rates is greatest.
Kobe has become Japan's largest port in ships arriving and volume of cargo.
Niigata remains a very modest port by comparison. Table 1. Basic Comparative Data for Kobe and Niigata
Figure 1. Population Change
Figure 2. Expansion of Kobe City Area
Figure 3. Expansion of Niigata City Area
D. Patterns and Rates of Growth In 1889, Kobe's population was just
134,704. Four decades later, by the end of the Taisho period, the city
had reached 651,600, thus growing at almost 4.6 percent per year. In the
1930s, the city grew at greater than 5 percent per year, reaching a total
population of one million in the early 1940s. The war saw a great exodus,
leaving the city with a population of less than 400,000 in 1945. It regained
its population rapidly, however, growing at more than 8 percent per year
to reach a population of one million again in 1956. From that point, the
growth has slowed considerably and continues to decline. It now stands
at about 0.8 percent per year. This overall growth comes from three sources:
areal expansion, natural increase and in migration. Much of the growth
came from areal expansion, as the city quadrupled from 21 to 83 square
kilometers in a gradual process from 1889 to 1940. It then added another
447 square kilometers with major mergers in 1947, 1950-1951, and 1957. Net in migration contributed heavily to the population growth before 1950, especially with the return of evacuees and overseas forces. By 1955 this return had been completed, but net in migration continued to contribute to the city's growth as the expanding economy attracted a young labor force from the rural areas. By 1970 this in migration had slowed considerably to near stability. The extensive housing development in the new towns again increased net in migration in the 1980s. The four central wards showed a net out migration since late 1960s. Three wards where the new towns were constructed, Nishi, Kita, and Suma (only Kitasuma which is located northern part of Suma), all have experienced net in migration through but these four decades. The areas that were already developed, such as Higashinada, Suma (except Kitasuma), and Tarumi, experienced a net in migration until 1970, followed by a small net out migration after that time. These migration patterns reflect primarily the development of new housing projects. (2) Households As in all of Japan, this four decades has also seen a rise in the number of households. Throughout this period, except for the five years 1950-55, households have been increasing more rapidly than the population as a whole. This implies a move to smaller households, which has been common to all of Japan in the post war period. For Kobe as a whole the average numbers of persons per household was 4.17 in 1950; it rose slightly to 4.23 in 1955, then declined steadily to 2.74 in 1990. Again, this pattern is not distributed evenly throughout Kobe city. The more rural wards, Kita and Nishi, show higher average household sizes, while the four central wards, Nada and Chuo, Hyogo, and Nagata, are smaller than average and are constantly declining. (3) Density With rising numbers, population density increased for the city as a whole over the past four decades. Overall density is now about 2,713 persons per square kilometer. This is far below the peak density of 12,113, reached in 1939 before the major areal expansion of the city. As with other measures, there have also been differences in density among the city's different wards. The four central wards reached a peak of density during the early period of rapid economic growth, through the early 1970s. Since then their density has been declining, to as low as 50 to 60 percent of the peak period. All other wards, except Higashinada have shown a constant increase in density, reinforcing the doughnut-like character of the city's population distribution. (4) Age Distribution As in the rest of Japan, the population of Kobe City has been aging. The proportion of the population over the age of 65 years has increased from 4.2 percent in 1955 to 11.5 percent in 1990. As noted above, the aged are not evenly distributed by ward, and the distribution has changed with time as well. The four central wards received the new in migrating young labor force in the late 1950s, but the next generation of young workers moved out to the new towns in the other wards. Thus the four central wards now have 13 to 17 percent over 65, while the other wards have only eight to 11 percent over 65. Conversely, the outlying or suburban wards, typically have more than 20 percent of the population under the age of 15. (5) Population Movements Kobe
City has seen a net inflow of population over the past 40 years. The patterns
of movement into and out of the city, and within the city itself, have,
however, changed somewhat over time. There has been a consistent moderate
outflow of population to Osaka and Tokyo, and a larger outflow to cities
such as Akashi, Amagasaki, Ashiya, and Nishinomiya. The inflow has come
largely from contiguous prefectures, and has always been greater than
the outflow. In the 1950s, 65 percent of the outflow from the city went
outside the prefecture, with only 35 percent moving within the prefecture.
By 1975 that had reversed, and two thirds of the outflow remained within
the prefecture. The inflow into the city has come primarily from contiguous
prefectures. All migration slowed by 1975, in part because of the decline
in the young entrants to the labor force, and in part because the young
workers tended to stay in the places of their birth. b. Niigata In 1950, Niigata's population was
220,901, and it grew to 486,087 in 1990. As in Kobe, the growth resulted
from annexation, natural increase, and migration. There was a somewhat
gradual expansion from 12 to 21 square kilometers in the half century
before the war. Then ten surrounding towns and villages in the period
1954 to 1961, adding 135 square kilometers, thus nearly tripling the city's
area. (2) Households As in Kobe, households grew more rapidly than the total population, producing a decline in the average size of the household. Average household size was 5.1 in 1955, and it declined to 3.1 in 1985. The trend is the same as in Kobe, but households in Niigata remain slightly larger than those in Kobe, by about one-half person. The doughnut pattern we have seen before exists here as well. Households in the central districts are smaller than those in the surrounding districts. The areas of most rapid growth in households are also those where the households are declining most rapidly in size. In effect, the movement has been from the central city with larger families to surrounding areas with smaller nuclear families. (3) Density Niigata's overall density is now about 2,328 persons per square kilometer, or about a seventh less than Kobe City. The central districts were those of highest density in 1950, but the movement outward throughout the period has produced a relatively even population density throughout the city by 1985. (4) Age Distributions As in Kobe, the population of Niigata has been getting older over the past 40 years. In 1955 only 4 percent of the population was over 65; by 1985 that proportion rose to 9.5 percent. Within the city, however, the proportion of the aged ranged from 5.8 percent in Ishiyama, a new residential area, to 16.1 percent in Honcho, the central city district. The central districts typically had more than 10 percent aged, and conversely between 15 and 20 percent of the population under the age of 15. The outer districts, on the other hand, have less than 10 percent of the population over 65 and more than 20 percent under the age of 15. (5) Population Movement The expansion
of Niigata out of the central districts has produced a doughnut pattern
that is evident in the daytime migration. In 1960 the day time population
was only 104 percent of the resident population, but by 1985 it increased
to 110 percent. The number of people moving into the city for daily activities
increased from about 13,000 to more than 43,000. 2. Port Developments (See Figures 4-8) In 1987 Kobe's total output amounted to 4.5
trillion yen. This constituted 1.4 percent of the total Gross Domestic
Product of Japan, and 31.9 percent of the total product of Hyogo Prefecture.
According to the survey conducted by the Port and Harbor Bureau in 1984,
economic activities and industries related to the port function produced
about 38.8 percent of the city's wealth. Much of the rest of the wealth
also derives from the port, but through a complex and indirect set of
connections. In effect, Kobe is an immensely wealthy city, and the greater
part of its wealth derives from its port. Figure 4. Port Activity
Figure 5. A General View of the Osaka Bay Area in 1961
Figure 6. The Transition of the Kobe Port
Figure 7. The Niitaga Port in 1889
Figure 8. The Niigata Ports in 1991
Port statistics were not kept for the first years of Kobe
port's activity. The first count available shows 576 ocean going ships
arriving in 1894. The number grew rapidly to over 3,900 in 1926. From
that point records distinguish foreign and domestic ships. In the same
year, there were already close to 20,000 ships calling at Kobe, carrying
some 11.5 million tons of cargo. The next ten or eleven years saw continued
increase to 106,630 ships carrying almost 17.7 million tons of cargo in
1936/37. The number of foreign ships entering the port rose slightly then
remained relatively stable at around 4,000, though their average size
rose from 5740 to 6250 tons in the same year period. The port offered
greater stimulation to domestic trade, however, as the number of ships
entering the port rose from 15,769 to 102,055 in this period. This trade
increase was taken up by smaller ships, however, as their average size
declined from 900 tons in 1926 to 250 tons in 1936. The greatest change
took place in one year, when the number of domestic ships recorded entering
the port rose from 19,864 in 1929 to over 77,636 in 1930, suggesting a
new method of counting ships that had previously not been recorded. In
that year the average size dropped from 907 to 280 tons. It was in this
period that the feeder line pattern matured, with smaller domestic ships
feeding both the import and the export traffic of the larger foreign ships. After the war port activity increased dramatically. The number of ships
entering at the port rose to 24,754 in 1950, and to 146,978 in the peak
year of 1971. Both foreign and domestic ships took part in this rapid
growth, with foreign ships rising to 10,463 and domestic ships to 136,515
in 1971. In both cases the average size of the ships increased steadily.
Foreign ships rose in average from 2499 tons in 1945 to 7975 tons in 1971,
while domestic ship size rose from 304 to 621 tons in the same period. The post war period saw far more rapid growth and for a longer period. From 1950 to 1990 the total volume grew from 6.8 to 171.5 million tons for an average annual growth rate of 8.4 percent. Domestic trade grew slightly more rapidly, at 9.3 percent per year, compared with 7.4 percent for foreign trade volume. At the beginning of this period imports dominated both domestic and foreign trade. Imports amounted to 75 percent of the volume of foreign trade and, 67 percent of the volume of domestic trade in 1926. Exports have continued to grow more rapidly than imports throughout the period, however, until now imports and exports are almost evenly balanced for both foreign and domestic traffic. b. Niitaga Early in this century there was only a modest difference between
Kobe and Niigata in the size of their port activity. In 1915, when Kobe
registered 2,501 ships entering, Niigata had 1,466. In 1926 the number
had risen slightly to 2,034, showing an average size of 508 tons. The
number and average size continued to grow, reaching 2,467 ships and 935
tons in 1940. The numbers grew in the next decade to 4,425, but average
ship size declined to 253 tons. From that point there is a continued rise
in both figures. In 1989, the year of the latest available figures, 17,541
ships entered the port, and their average size was 2,743 tons. The source of the cargo volume shows substantial foreign and domestic difference. In domestic trade, imports and exports are more nearly equal, and their relative positions have changed over the years. In 1926, imports were five times exports, only 40 percent greater in 1940, and were nearly equal through 1970. Imports then grew slightly more rapidly until the ratio of imports to exports in 1989 was roughly 10:8 or 1.25:1. In foreign trade, however, Niigata has been almost exclusively an importing port. It receives oil and liquid petroleum, which comes in large volume, and sends little out to the rest of the world. Niigata has been primarily an importer of foreign cargo since records have been kept, but since 1970 the imbalance has become overwhelming, with imports now showing 53 times the volume of exports. This pattern of oil imports, however, has kept the average size of ships rising, very much as they have in Kobe, though for very different reasons. Kobe's growth in the average size of foreign ships comes from the development of a modern container port handling both exports and imports. Niigata's growth in average foreign ship size comes largely from its position as an oil importer. E. Summary Comparison The two cities show many similarities
in internal population dynamics, but they differ substantially in their
size and wealth, and in the historical process of their expansion. Both
cities have grown by a factor of ten since they were opened just over
a century ago. Until the recent post world war II period, both became
densely settled and highly congested in the inner city. More recently
both cities have added substantially to their area by annexing surrounding
towns and villages, population growth has slowed considerably, and there
has been a movement from the inner city out to surrounding suburban areas.
Their inner wards have become older in age composition and they have lost
the younger population to the newer residential areas outside the center. Their differences are also substantial and instructive. Kobe's population is more than three times that of Niigata, and its area almost three times larger. Both are quite densely settled, but Kobe's population density is about one seventh greater than Niigata's. Kobe's regular budget per capita is more than two times that of Niigata, and it has four times as many city personnel. Kobe's port receives almost nine times as many ships, and handles almost six times the volume of cargo that Niigata handles. Further, Kobe's port is more evenly balanced between exports and imports in both domestic and foreign trade. Niigata is far more an importing port, with an imports to exports ratio of about 1.25:1 for domestic cargo but and 53:1 for foreign cargo. The difference in size and wealth is matched by legal differences and Both also reflect a substantial difference in the independence or influence of the city. This can be seen statistically in a comparison of the two cities relative to their surrounding prefectures. Kobe's budget is almost equal that of Hyogo Prefecture; Niigata's Prefectural budget is almost five times that of the city. Hyogo Prefecture has just over three times as many personnel as Kobe City, but in Niigata the ratio is 7.6 to 1. As a Port Administrative Entity with direct control of its port, Kobe is far more independent than Niigata, where almost everything done must be negotiated with the prefectural and national governments. As we shall see later, both cities must engage in extensive negotiations with both central and prefectural governments, but Kobe enters these negotiations from a position of far greater strength than does Niigata. It would only be expected that as Japan's leading port city, Kobe has substantially more influence at the centers of national political and economic power than does Niigata. Many of these differences can be traced to the difference in location.
The modern opening of Japan stimulated the growth of the Pacific Coast
ports, and left those of the Japan Sea in something of a backwater. There
are also physical differences, which we shall see will affect the types
of both problems and solutions the two cities have experienced especially
in the past four decades. Kobe is hemmed in by granite mountains, crowded
into a narrow two to four kilometer corridor. But this also implies it
has a sharply dropping sea floor, giving it a deep harbor. Further, its
mountains are inhospitable to farming, thus its immediate hinterland is
more open public land, with little claim upon it from politically influential
groups. Niigata occupies the edge of a III. Urabn Problems and Solutions In this section, we shall proceed in two ways. First we shall provide a brief overview of typical urban problems that the two cities have faced in the past four decades. We shall also provide some objective data to show to what extent those problems have been successfully addressed. At this point the emphasis is more on the broad range of urban problems, and the success in dealing with those problems. Next we shall identify a selected number of special problems each city has faced and the special projects they have used to deal with those problems. This in depth analysis will focus on a few major problems distinctive to each city, and will describe in some detail the way the cities addressed those problems. Many of these conditions and challenges were similar in the two cities. They derive from the general urban social and economic conditions of Japan, including rapid urbanization and industrialization with the consequent need to build the urban infrastructure and provide urban services. For Japan the problems also derive from demographic changes that have produced an increase in the age of the population. Many of these problems have been met in roughly the same manner by the two cities. A. Overview of Urban Problems Like most cities of the world, Kobe and Niigata have faced
a series of problems. We can discuss these under three general headings.
First, all cities must provide a basic urban infrastructure, including
provision of drinking water, electrical power, sewage and garbage disposal,
and housing for individuals and for industries. Next they must provide
some basic social services, including education and health. Third, the
city must protect the environment for the citizens. All of this is done
in part with the city's financial and human resources, indicated in a
city's budget and official staff, which we introduced earlier in table
1. But government need not and usually cannot do everything a city and
its citizens need. Often it is the task of a city government to mobilize
a wide variety of other resources, from other government offices, from
private corporations, and from private groups or associations of citizens.
Thus when we speak of the city providing infrastructure and services,
we need not necessarily mean the city government alone, though the government
will, of course, have a rather heavy responsibility to provide what the
city needs. Table 2a. Urban Physical Infrastructure
* Traffic flow was measured during rush hour period 1. Urban Infrastructure Despite their differences in size and wealth, both Kobe and Niigata have made substantial progress in meeting the basic infrastructure needs of the population. Both have full coverage of clean water and electricity. There is an interesting difference in the extent of sewage coverage, which will require more detailed examination later. Kobe has near full coverage of the population with its sewer service. Niigata is far behind, and its 31 percent coverage is even substantially below the national average of about 44 percent. The city sees this as a problem to which it is allocating much effort and resources. Both cities have extensive garbage collection, covering all households, and both treat the garbage effectively. Kobe burns most of its garbage, and uses the heat for the municipal swimming pools, next to the incinerators. Kobe's garbage growth rate is higher than Niigata's and is a source of serious concern for city officials. In this, of course, Kobe does not differ from any city in the world. The difference is with the developing countries, where population growth drives much of the increase in garbage. In Kobe, as in the developed countries, it is the high level and increase of consumption that drives garbage increase. This implies that the increase is manageable and can be addressed through various environmental programs, such as recycling and source reduction projects. Kobe recently began a program to purchase used paper at 3 yen per kilogram, and this has led to a 30 percent reduction in the volume of paper in the garbage. The
populations of both cities are well housed. The ratio of population to
individual and family dwellings is very low, almost the same as the ratio
of population to households, indicating what is clearly evident in both
cities. Everyone is housed. There are both public housing projects for
low income families, and an extensive private housing market. Kobe's greater sense of congestion also comes from the larger population, and from the extensive facilities that can more than larger population. Niigata is served only by the Japan Railway system. Kobe is served by the Japan Railway, plus four other rail companies. There is even a fifth small rail company, an extra governmental company partly owned by the Kobe City Government, which serves to link together the four railways coming into the city. Further, Niigata is served internally by a private bus company; The Kobe City Government provides a municipal bus and subway systems. Thus Kobe's greater size and density and its central location in a densely built up region imply a much more complex transportation system than we find in Niigata, which is by comparison a more isolated city. Kobe appears more congested because there are more vehicles and people flowing through the city. But it also has a slightly more developed transportation system so that those greater numbers actually flow a bit more smoothly than do the smaller numbers in Niigata. 2. Social Services Both cities provide extensive social services. The enrollment rate for primary, middle and high schools is virtually 100 percent.5 Class levels are regulated nationally, and both cities easily meet national levels. Both cities also have a set of universities and other tertiary schools, which provide professional and technical instruction to students from allover Japan and from many foreign countries as well. Table 2b. Urban Social Services
* Includes dysentery, typhoid, paratyphoid, legally classified together by the Japanese government under its diarrheal disease law. Here again, however, we can see a difference in the two cities
that results for their different locations. It parallels the transportation
difference in that it reflects the greater centrality of Kobe and the
relative isolation of Niigata. The ratio of Kobe to Niigata students is
roughly 3 to 1 at the primary, middle and high school levels, but it is
4.6 to 1 for tertiary students. This is not due to a difference in the
number of colleges and universities, for that ratio is also about 3 to
1. Further, both cities have about the same proportion of high school
students who go on to college or university (35 percent for Kobe and 28
percent for Niigata in 1990). The difference derives from Kobe's relatively
greater centrality to all of Japan, and Niigata's relative isolation.
Kobe is more likely to draw college and university students from allover
the country than is Niigata. Table 2c. Urban Environmental Quality
*The figures show the daily averages of the multiple monitoring points around each city. Figures in parentheses show the national maximum allowable standards. 3. Environmental Quality Both cities have extensive systems of parks and open spaces,
and providing parks and recreational space is a high priority for both
cities. Kobe appears to be somewhat better served than Niigata, but direct
quantitative comparisons are difficult. Niigata has a long shore line
that is essentially a high quality swimming and fishing beach, and it
is surrounded by extensive open farm land. Kobe has a less developed recreational
shoreline, though there are plans for a substantial extension of the shore
in connection with the new Akashi Strait Bridge being constructed to connect
Kobe to the Awaji Island. But Kobe also has extensive forests in the Rokko
Mountains minutes north of the city center. These forests are part of
the Setonaikai (the Seto Inland Sea) National Park system, which give
the residents easy access to fine mountain forests. Thus the cities have
very different natural recreational areas, but both are very well served. 4. Sewers The sewage issue for the two cities deserves special attention for a number of reasons. First, Kobe has developed an extensive sewer system, which not only covers virtually all of its citizens, but it distinguished on special technical grounds as well. It is the only differentiated sewer-drain system among Japan's large cities. The drain system is designed to carry surface runoff alone. This has a double advantage. The runoff can flow without treatment into the rivers and sea. Perhaps more important, however, is the fact that heavy rains do not overload the system causing sewers to backup. Kobe's sewer system dates to 1872 when an Englishman, Mr. John William Hart, designed a 1900 brick sewer system, which the city built, and which is still good operating condition. In 1950 planning began to extend the system, and in 1957 a Sewage Department was established. At that time only 1 percent of the households were covered by sewers. The city picked up household waste, loaded it onto barges and sent it out to be dumped into the sea. From 1957 to 1970 coverage rose to 35 percent. In 1971 a new five year city plan aimed to have full coverage of specific areas. Within ten years coverage rose to 87 percent. Today it stands at 97 percent and the city has plans to complete coverage in a few years. The city is also adding a third stage to its sewage treatment to remove a series of chemicals to meet its own higher standards of environmental control. The extension of the sewer system was also accompanied by an increase in clean water provision and a series of other public health measures, including closer inspection of restaurants and markets, and better garbage treatment. The result was a marked decline in the incidence of diseases covered by the diarrheal disease law: dysentery, typhoid and paratyphoid. In 1950 the incidence stood at 64.1 per 100,000, rising to 115.0 in 1960, then falling drastically to 3.1 in 1970, and 1.7 in 1980, and to 1.4 in 1989. The second point of importance concerns the contrast in coverage in the two cities. Kobe has almost complete sewer coverage, but in Niigata only 31 percent of the population is covered. Niigata considers this an important problem and the city has active plans to increase coverage to 67.6 percent of the population by 1999. Despite the low level of coverage, however, Niigata does not have a high incidence of diarrheal diseases. Niigata also has a history of declining infectious diseases, which moves out ahead of its sewer extension. While waiting for sewer extension the city government has a number of active projects to deal with the problem of these water born diseases. First, households without sewer connections use septic tanks, which an inspector, contracted by the city, examines once every three months. The inspector advises of the need for pumping out a full tank, and the owner pays ¥10,000 (about US $70) for the service. The material is taken by tank truck to one of three sewage plants for treatment by biotic processes before being discharged into rivers or the sea. The city has an extensive educational campaign for household waste that includes the distribution of fine mesh screens for sink wastes, and special packets to absorb oil, which are then disposed of in normal garbage. B. Inventory of Solutions The two cities achieved these past levels of development
and welfare through fairly standard urban administrative procedures. These
are not necessarily unique to Japanese cities, by any means. Compared
to other countries covered in this larger study, however, it must be noted
that Japan enjoys immense advantages from its great wealth. Much of the
rapid development of the city's physical infrastructure could be accomplished
because the cities and the central government had the necessary financial
resources. The city also had the technical capacity to identify problems
and to establish goals in urban facilities, health and education, and
environmental quality. In some cases these goals were laid down by the
central government and simply given to the cities as standards. In other
cases, such as Kobe's sewer system and some of its health projects, the
city takes the lead in identifying problems and setting goals. It has
come to be a standard procedure for these city governments to look into
the future and to set for themselves goals for advancing city interests,
promoting economic activities and human welfare. 1. Kobe If promoting greater internationalization is a major aim in Niigata, this is something Kobe City has already achieved in very large measure. Thus the emphasis in Kobe is less on becoming something new, and more on sustaining the advanced position it has already achieved. That is, of course, no easy task itself, since there are no models for Kobe to emulate in deciding what it is to do next. For example, urban planners look forward to the city becoming something they call an "urban resort city", a place that is warm and friendly, comfortable and culturally exciting, and attractive to both visitors and residents. At the same time, city officials can look ahead to some very new and serious problems identified by simple extrapolations of current trends. Two of the most important of these are problems that arise from aging and the problem of garbage. City officials can easily see the time when the population aged 65 and over will constitute 20 percent of the population. This will require a new set of social services with different taxing and financial structures. There is also the problem of garbage. Officials see a growth in excess of 6 percent per year, implying a doubling of the amount of garbage in a mere 14 years. Where will it go? They recognize that already Tokyo Metropolitan Government must ship its garbage 300-600 kilometers to the north. Kobe now burns about 80 percent of its garbage, but current trends will require building a new plant every five years. For both the general aims of the urban resort, and dealing with the specific problems of aging and garbage, the future is uncharted. There are no good models to emulate. Thus much time and effort is spent in thinking ahead to try to work our scenarios and the implications of both the changes that will come and the projects that will be needed to deal with those changes. Like Niigata, Kobe keeps current lists of specific projects to operationalize its broad aims and to address, as well as to keep ahead of its problems. A recent publication lists 38 projects, but these are almost exclusively physical infrastructure projects, all of which have implications for social services and quality of life. The largest is the completion of the Port Island extension and of the Rokko Island, two major projects that are covered in detail later. These include industrial areas, port facilities, and sport and recreational parks. Another is the proposed airport for Kobe City, a project on which the national government is to make a decision this fall. The Kobe Harbor Land Project will develop a portion of the shore and in the process revitalize the inner city. Housing developments are extensive, and these include special facilities for the aged. One project, Shiawase-no-mura or the "Village of Happiness", is specifically to integrate the aged and physically disabled into the regular life of the city and aimed to offer enriched social welfare for every citizen in Kobe City. It provides special working operations as well as rehabilitation hospital, sports facilities and multi-purpose facilities. In 1989 the city hosted the FESPIC (Far East and South Pacific Games for The Disabled), which has been associated with Shiawase-no-mura. 2. Niigata Officials in Niigata identify their problems and aims under
five major categories or goals. The first is to integrated the city into
the larger global environment, which officials describe as attempts to
internationalize the city. In one sense this is fundamental to other aims,
since it involves an increase in industry and economic activities that
will provide the city with the jobs and the wealth that will permit it
to address other problems. The second aim is to make the city a comfortable
place to live, including good transportation, city services, good recreation
and a clean environment. Third is to advance cultural activities to increase
the city's distinctive identity. Fourth is to increase equality, especially
along gender divisions. Finally is the aim of advancing human welfare
through social services. Much of this the emphasis in this aim concerns
the problem of increasing aged population. This broad set of aims, including
both physical and social dimensions, is then translated into a series
of specific projects. These are the means by which the broad aims are
operationalized, by which human and financial resources are allocated
to activities designed to achieve these aims. A rough three part classification can be made of these 52 projects, following
the classification of table 2a-c, recognizing that many project actually
serve multiple ends. Urban physical infrastructure accounts for eleven
of the projects. These include the airport, convention center, the trade
center, port development, and the extension of the sewer system. Ten projects
can be classified as social services. These include inviting an international
university to Niigata, developing nursing homes, building the foundation
for an aging society, including counseling centers for old people. There
are also plans for a women's counseling center to promote women's status,
and for developing an overall health care system. Under the category of
environment and quality of life there are five specific projects. These
include the development of a riverside park, planting trees throughout
the city and increasing amenities along the sea shore. Fully half of the
projects have very clear multiple aims. There is, for example, a project
for the development of an "intelligent city", which will provide
a high quality of urban living plus the basis for high technology industries.
One of the more ambitious projects calls for creating think tank for developing
ideas for the Japan Sea Rim development. In fact the Japan Sea Rim emerges
as a central elements in much of Niigata's current planning, for it offers
the city the opportunity to regain some of the relative stature and influence
it enjoyed before the advance of the Pacific Sea cities. c. In Depth Analysis For the city of Kobe, we shall examine in greater detail four sets of projects: port development, the new towns, the inner city development, and projects dealing with the problem of aging. Although these can be distinguished as separate projects, they are in fact all part of an integrated urban planning activity. For example, the port development aimed first at improving the port facilities to relieve the congestion of the port. But to develop the port, earth was removed from the top of some of the mountains to create artificial islands in the sea just off the city. The cleared land in the mountains was used for the creation of new towns, which provided housing and industrial communities to relieve the population congestion in the inner city. This caused the population to move out to the new towns, resulting in the decline of the central city. Then a new waterfront project was created to expand port and recreational facilities and to bring population back into portions of the inner city. a. Port Development We have seen that Kobe became one of Japan's leading ports
through the first half of the 20th century. It was heavily damaged during
the war and had to undertake extensive reconstruction. By the end of the
1950s much of this reconstruction had been competed, but it was evident
that the port needed much more development. It had become a bottleneck
in Japan's development process, with ships waiting for long periods to
load and unload cargo. In addition, the post war flood of people back
into the city caused excessive crowding in the old inner city. Thus the
two problems of port congestion and urban population crowding were integrally
linked together. To implement
these plans the city engaged in extensive negotiations with the central
government, which agreed to finance portions of the port development and
housing projects. The central government built the sea wall. The city
moved the earth and did all the land reclamation. Housing was provided
by the central government, the city, and private developers. For the construction
of container terminals, the central, the Kobe City and the Osaka City
governments jointly created a new unit, the Osaka/Kobe Trading Port Development
Corporation, whose formation required much negotiation, but proved to
be highly appropriate for the task. The Kobe City Government was also
permitted to offer municipal bonds on the international bond market to
raise capital for the project. This proved to be especially beneficial,
since the bonds were offended in the late 1960s, when world trade was
expanding and prices were relatively stable. By the time the port facilities
were ready to be sold, world prices had risen sharply due to the oil shocks
of the 1970s. Thus Kobe realized substantial profits from its venture.
The Kobe Port Development Corporation built the container terminals and
now leases them to shipping companies. The city owns the finger wharves
as well as a set of container terminals along the shoreline. The Port Island was designed to hold a new modern container port facility,
housing for 20,000 people, new commercial activities such as fashion and
design industries, and recreational facilities. It was completed in 1981
and today ranks as a major landmark of the city. It is connected to the
city center by a fully automated rail line, the Portliner, as well as
by bridge and road. It has one of the city's leading hotels, an international
convention and exhibition halls, sports facilities, and amusement park,
as well as the port and housing facilities. b. Inland Development As part of its plan for housing the population and attracting industries to the city, Kobe has developed an extensive complex of new towns, which will total over 4,000 hectares. They began with Suma New Town in 1961 as the first new town, and continue today, with plans reaching to the end of this decade. There are two major locations for the new towns, one to the west and one to the north behind the Rokko Mountains. Table 3 lists major areas with their size, population where relevant, and scheduled or actual dates of completion. Table 3 Major Inland Development in Kobe City
The development of new towns began with Suma residential
area, in the West. It was designed as a residential area to relieve population
congestion in the inner city and is built on land excavated to provide
fill for earlier land reclamation projects for shoreline wharf construction.
Started in 1961 and will be officially completed this year, though it
is expected that housing construction will continue on a smaller scale.
Suma was designed on more traditional lines of a single purpose residential
town, with the idea that workers would move into the city daily for their
work and move back for night time residence. Later the development of
these areas took on a new character, more appropriately designated the
New Town concept. After the Suma New Town, most areas are planned as multiple
use areas, where residence, recreation and employment are linked together
outside of the central city. c. Inner City Development As we have described in previous section, a series of inner
city problems emerged in the four central wards, especially Hyogo and
Nagata. The factors contributing to this condition are the negative population
growth, the large increase of aged population, the departure of factories
to surrounding areas, and the increase of superannuated firms. Younger
generation households, about 30 to 40 years old, who wish to own their
houses move out to surrounding areas. Thus, we find the increase in the
proportion of aged population, single households, and relatively lower
income population tend to live in the inner city area. We also see large
numbers of people dependent on social security as well as unemployment
allowances. Kobe city has developed a planning framework in 1989, "the Kobe Inner City Comprehensive Development Basic Plans", to address this problem. The plan sets out four targets. 1) the creation of comfortable living; 2) promoting the establishment of urban oriented industries; 3) creating an attractive area; and 4) enriching social welfare. For more urgent problems needing short term action, the four central wards
are divided into four major parts, central/south, west, east and central/water
front. Each ward is again divided into three zones depending on the actions
needed. 1) Where the physical infrastructure is deteriorated, it will
be fixed and improved; 2) where the area has lost population and activity,
urban renewal projects will be undertaken; and 3) where a completely new
activity is required there will be advanced transformation of the area. d. Aging Aging is a problem that confronts all Japanese cities. Kobe is now participating in national level discussions on the problem and trying to plan for a future that will be very different from the present. The city is developing special projects to address the problem, and also attempting to develop new plans and visions that will later be translated into specific projects. The current specific projects include the development of nursing homes, improving medical geriatrics services, developing senior citizen community centers, and organizing assistance for the homebound aged who do not yet need full nursing home care. City officials also recognize that there are more profound problems of taxation and financing, which will require basic reforms in both the city's and the nation's taxation system. In these uncharted. areas, the city uses a series of brain storming task forces at different levels, and also encourages local citizens to present ideas for the future. 2. Niigata Niigata's
Mayor, Mr. Yoshiaki HASEGAWA describes his vision for the city under three
major categories: Internationalization, Culture and Social Services. For
future economic and social development, Niigata would have to become more
integrated into the international, or global, market place. It could do
this by exploiting its location advantages on the Japan Sea. With a high
speed rail link and a four lane express road connecting the city to Tokyo,
Niigata could offer attractive alternatives to Yokohama and Tokyo for
surface connections to Europe and North America. He explained, for example,
that a freezer container took 40 days by sea between Europe and Yokohama,
but could make the journey overland by rail and ship in only twenty days.
With a larger international airport Niigata could offer the same advantages
for air travel between Europe or North America and Japan. Internationalization
would also require, however, that Niigata develop its own distinctive
identity or culture. Finally, Niigata was already well known for its social
services, but it would have to develop these even further to meet future
problems. One of the most pressing would be the problem of aging. a. Internationalization or Globalization Internationalization requires first of all that Niigata has more adequate transportation facilities linking it with the outside world. There are, however, few things the city can do directly to develop such facilities since the port is under the direction of the Prefecture, and the external rail, road, and air links are under the control of the central government. Thus a major set of projects for the city involve negotiations and political petitions to the central government. Some of these efforts have been successful in the past and others are currently being undertaken. The high speed rail link to Tokyo, the famed Bullet Train, was opened in 1982, and the four lane express highway was completed in 1985. Currently the city is petitioning the central government for an expansion of the international airport to enable it to accommodate the larger planes of the transcontinental routes. It is working with the prefectural government to request permission from the central government to increase ocean exports. Finally, it is proposing that the central government build expressways to the East, to link Niigata more closely with the nation's overall expressway system. Although the city must rely on the central government for much of these developments, there are some things that can be done, both with the prefectural government and by itself, which can improve its situation and help induce the central government to assist in its international development. (1) Port and River Development One of the more important of these activities is port development.
This has been undertaken by the national and prefectural governments over
the past decades to address some of the basic physical limitations imposed
by Niigata's location. For example, Niigata main port for the past three
centuries has been at the mouth of the Shinano River, Japan's longest
river. The river flows north out of the mountains, across the broad rice
plain to the city. Roughly at the city boundary the river makes a broad
turn to the northeast, running parallel to the coast for more than 6 kilometers
before turning north to enter the sea. This meandering course have presented
two major problems. One is siltation, which requires constant dredging
to keep the port open, and imposes limits to the depth of the port even
with extensive dredging. (2) Urban Development The existing urban areas in Niigata City are now struggling with the following problems: a shrinkage and graying of the daytime population, relative decrease in commercial functions, and traffic congestion in downtown areas, insufficient network of roads, and a shortage of green belts and open space. To respond to these problems, Niigata City is now undertaking a series of projects to use its land more effectively, increase local activities, improve housing situation, and strengthen the linkage between urban functions. These projects also aim to make the city more attractive to international economic centers. a) The West Port Area The area of the West Port has for years played important role for the growth of Niigata City. A large amount of investment has been made in this area throughout the past century. The urban system has been concentrated in this area as well. In recent years, however, this area has suffered from the stagnation of port activities, aging buildings and population, loss of population, the decline of business activities, the deterioration of the environment, and the chronic problem of traffic congestions. To cope with these problems, the city has been attempting to integrate the urban systems, such as markets, businesses, port activities and distributional activities. The city has also been improving the living situation and environment so that people are coming back to the city. One specific aspect of this inner city development is a plan to build two new bridges at the mouth of the Shinano River. (b) Development Of South Side Of The Niigata Station Niigata City is now developing the southern part of the Niigata Station (15.4 ha), to balance the earlier development of the north side. This station was relocated from an area north of the river to one south of the river when the new high speed rail link was built. This new redevelopment project aims to bring comfortable urban living as well as urban function for commerce and business to the south side of the Niigata Station. (3) Japan Sea Rim Development Many of the projects the city undertakes to promote internationalization
can be considered service and planning or intelligence gathering projects,
rather than physical infrastructure projects. For example, the city's
Department of Economic Affairs undertakes market analysis and other information
gathering, and proposes increasing collaboration with the Soviet Union
on trade information. The city now collects extensive data on the companies
that engage in trade, and tries to act as a middleman to encourage more
companies to increase productive and trade activities. The city also organizes
trade fairs for the Japan Sea Rim Countries. There have been seven since
1972, or almost one every two years. This year, the city is planning on
holding two trade fairs, in July and November. City officials consider
Russia to be the major partner in this development, in part because it
is one of Japan's oldest trading partner in this part of the world. At
present about 200 Russian ships enter the port, or about one-quarter of
all ships entering. b. Cultural Activities To help develop a sense of distinctive identity among the
population, the city undertakes a number of special projects and it works
hard to gain citizen participation and to have the citizens take the initiative
in urban activities. Funds are now being raised for a symphony hall. There
are programs to promote local traditions. Sports are being promoted at
the citizen level. There are now, for example, 550 local baseball teams,
sponsored by businesses and other groups. They practice and play in the
early mornings, usually starting about 5 am in the summer, when it gets
light. The city has recently built a large sports complex with an outdoor
stadium and indoor gymnasium. There are also programs to promote cultural
exchanges with the Japan Sea Rim countries. The city has had an exchange
with Harbin in China, for example. Niigata now has a Chinese garden and
has sent people to build a traditional Japanese garden in Harbin. C. Social Services Like Kobe, Niigata faces a major problem in the aging of its
population. It is already well known for its high quality of social services.
There are many services for the aged, including free tickets for taking
public baths for those over 65 and the providing "moving bath transportation"
provided for the homebound. Like Kobe, however, much of the problem lies
in the near future, and the city is working with the national government
to develop plans for managing its aged population. A. Port and Population Growth The major difference between Kobe and Niigata is clearly not
that of population growth. Both cities have increased their populations
by a factor of ten over the past century. Both experienced very much the
same historical trajectory in population growth. They increased through
areal expansion, in migration and natural increase. Both had a period
of rapid growth following World War II, which caused problems of crowding.
These were readily solved through urban development, which was probably
made easier because in both cases the population growth rate slowed drastically
in two decades. By 1965 the cities had expanded areally as much as they
would, fertility declined as it did in all of Japan, and the in migration
slowed. B. The Consequences of Growth We may now ask what have been the consequences of this difference
in port growth rates. In summary we can say that the consequence have
not been very serious, and that there have been some substantial advantages
of the growth. It is difficult to see major disadvantages to the growth.
We shall first discuss this basic points of the consequences, then turn
to another aspect of the differences, the impact of physical conditions
of the specific place of each port. Unlike
many cities in the developing world, in Kobe and Niigata we can see definite
advantages to the rapid growth of the port. This has made Kobe a very
wealthy city, with substantial independence and influence in national
political and economic circles. The city's wealth lies not only in finances,
however, but in its administration and the human resources it can bring
to bear on problems. Niigata's slower growth has made it more dependent
on external centers of power, both in the prefectural and national governments.
Often in our interviews with Niigata city officials, we heard them speak
of the need for more people. Niigata needs 800,000 to a million people
to give it the critical mass that will give it more power, wealth and
influence in the nation. It needs more people and more development to
give it the kind of independence and autonomy that Kobe has. C. The Impact of Physical Characteristics The mountains that hem Kobe in to the sea and the broad
alluvial plane that stretches out behind Niigata offer striking contrasts
of physical conditions. At first glance it might appear that Kobe is somewhat
disadvantaged by the rugged terrain that crowds it into a narrow belt.
But it may be that the opposite is the case. In effect, Kobe has been
faced with major physical challenges, which have been met largely with
engineering solutions. The mountains could be cut away to provide fill
for islands in the bay and level space for the construction of new towns.
Finding the capital and the engineering skills to transform this landscape
was not by any means an easy task, but it was one that Kobe managed readily,
and in the process gained for itself an enviable worldwide reputation
for excellent development. Dore, Ronald,
1959, Land Reform in Japan, (London: Oxford University Press). Table 4 Percent of Population Over 65 Years in Kobe
Table 5 Percent of Population Over 65 Years in Niigata
Table 6 Decennial Growth Rate of Population by Ward in Kobe
Table 7 Decennial Growth Rate of Population by Area in Niigata
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