Survey Report on Family Planning
The City of Changchun, China

Preface

This survey was undertaken on 100 married females at reproductive ages in the city of Changchun in December 1995. In this survey, we focused on the existing circumstances and issues concerning family planning in a city in China.
This is a report on our understanding of the socioeconomic conditions of Changchun city, and an analysis of the collected data. The report is comprised of seven chapters.

Chapter I: Socioeconomic Conditions and Population Growth in Changchun city

1. Socioeconomic conditions of Changchun city
Changchun city is the political, economic and cultural center of the province, as well as the provincial capital of Jilin Province. The total area of Changchun city is 18,881 square kilometers, of which the urban area covers 1,116 square kilometers. The city is divided into four urban districts and one suburban district (Chao Yang District, Nan Guan District, Er Dao District, Kuan Cheng District and Jiao Wai District). At the end of 1994, the city's total population reached 2,237,100.

Changchun city is one of the large-sized cities in China and is also a new industrial city. During the past era when Japan invaded and occupied China, it was called Shinkyo, the capital of Manchuria. Changchun has the Changchun No. 1 Automobile Plant, the biggest automobile manufacturing base in China, which has a production capacity equal to one third of the country's total output. In addition to automobile manufacturing, a locomotive manufacturing base, other transportation-related industries and machinery industries are active in the city's industrial sector. Changchun city is the transportation hub of the North East Region of China. To its north, Hunchun city of Jilin Province is located, which connects with the route to North Korea and Russia. Also, to its east, the Tumen River flows, which is now drawing worldwide attention as a focal base for economic activities in recent years.

As for education, Changchun can be called a cultural and educational city because of the great number of higher educational institutions within the city. It has a total of 26 universities and colleges, including Jilin University which is the only comprehensive university in the North East Region.

2. Population growth in Changchun city
With its total population, which reached 2,237,100 at the end of 1994, Changchun city became one of the large-sized cities with a population exceeding two million. The urban population of Changchun city, which was 475,400 at the time of the founding of People's Republic of China, reached 1,738,000 in 1982, and 2,112,000 in 1990. This represents a 3.6 time increase when compared with the figure in 1949, the year the People's Republic was founded.

With regard to the population growth of Changchun city, a great number of people migrated to Changchun city as a result of the increased establishment of state-level and large-scale enterprises, as well as universities and research institutes, after the founding of the People's Republic. For example, in 1960, a population of 93,000 moved into this city from various parts of the country, which constituted 72% of the total population increase, bringing the total population to 1,288,000. The birth rate also increased sharply to as high as 4.0%. After turning to the 1960s, the death rate rose and a great number of people flowed out of the city, due to natural calamities (1960-1962). Consequently, in 1962, the urban population decreased by 65,000 to 1,222,000. After 1963, with the economic recovery, the population experienced natural growth, reaching 1,348,000 of 1967. During these five years, the population increased by 126,000, showing an annual increase of 20%. However, the start of the "Cultural Revolution" in 1966, which transferred young people to the countryside, decreased urban population to 1,252,000 in 1972. This caused a significant decrease of 7.2% in comparison with the figure of 1967.

Like other cities across the country, Changchun city also implemented family planning in the latter half of 1970s, with which the population growth rate apparently started to decrease. Since 1980, with the implementation of family planning, the natural growth rate of population has steadily declined. However, due to the unfolding of the market-oriented economy, as well as the relaxation of the population migration policy among the various regions, the social increase of the population has risen sharply, and the city's total population increased yearly. This tendency was seen in nearly all the large- and medium-sized cities across China, not being a phenomenon seen only in particular cities.

Chapter II: Ages and Family Planning

Toward the latter half of 1970s, the implementation of the family planning policy has brought about a dramatic decrease in the birth rate in the urban population. However, the implementation of the family planning policy was greatly affected by the fact that the children born during the baby-boom period in the 1960s grew and reached the age of marriage and child-bearing in the 1980s. This fact was clarified through this survey.

1. Female ages and the number of children
Before the implementation of the family planning policy, it was apparent in China that the ages of the married females at reproductive age were correlated to the number of children they gave birth to. However, with the implementation of the family planning policy, particularly the promotion of the "one-child" policy, the relation between the ages of married females and the number of children changed to a great extent.

For instance, this survey had 24 females at the reproductive ages of 20 to 29. Of them, 18 had only one child, constituting 75% of the total. There were 54 females aged at 30 to 39, of whom 41 had only one child, constituting 75.9% of the total. There were 13 females aged at 40 to 49, of whom eight had only one child, constituting 61.5%. And, three females aged over 50 who were included in this survey. However, no analysis was made concerning these three females. (See Table 1.)

Table 1: Number of Children by Ages of Married Females at Reproductive Age

As shown in Table 1, in each age group from age 20 to 49, the ratio of having only one child was highest. On the contrary, females aged over 50 had two or more children, not "one-child. " Moreover, in the cases where females had two or more children, it is also apparent that the ratio of the age group of 50-59 was overwhelmingly high, while those of age groups of 30-39 and 40-49 were very low. (Although the age group of 50-59 was not included in the female population at the reproductive age, we made use of its data to compare with other age groups.) It can be considered the above fact was directly related to the implementation of family planning in the urban areas. From the results of this survey, we conclude that there are two aspects for such great change in the ages of the married females at reproductive ages and the number of their children. First is the implementation of family planning during the past 20 years, and the second is change in people's sense of value toward their children.

2. Ages and practice of birth control
In every country where family planning is implemented, it is commonly understood that the prevalence of birth control among married females at reproductive ages will directly contribute to the results of the implementation.

This survey investigated how many persons were taking contraceptive measures. The result indicates that around 74% were taking contraceptive measures. The same figures of age group of 20-29, 30-39 and 40-49 were 76.9%, 75.9% and 69.2% respectively. Only three females answered that they had never taken any contraceptive measures. Moreover, according to the survey result, an overwhelming majority of females who were practicing birth control started after they gave birth to their first children. (See Table 2.)

Table 2: Practice of Birth Control

Table 2 shows that "those who are practicing birth control" are highest in percentage among all age groups, which explains that family planning was prevailing in the city areas in a way.

This survey investigated not only the prevalence of birth control, but also the state of artificial abortions of married females at reproductive ages. Four females of 20-29 group, eight females of 30-39 group and two females of 40-49 had the experience of artificial abortion. Most answered that the main reason for having had artificial abortions was the failure of contraceptive measures.

Item 9 of the Questionnaire A (Family Planning Questionnaire) in the previous survey which asked "What do you think about birth control for family planning?" prepared only two choices for answer. They were "No. 1. Unfavorable (Opposed)" and "No. 2. There is no other alternative. " However, the survey conducted this time in Changchun city added one more choice, "Favorable." This new choice was aimed at grasping the urban residents' awareness of family planning. There was a difference between the results of this survey and that of the previous one. In the previous survey, the majority of responses was clearly divided into "unfavorable" and "no response. " On the other hand, the responses from this survey were: 93 chose "favorable," five selected "having no other alternative," and two were "unfavorable." A diversity of replies was found in this survey. Apart from the of responses for "favorable" occupying an overwhelming majority, there were responses which selected the other two choices, although their numbers were fewer. This explains that urban residents are now expressing their sense of value and opinions without reservation.

The survey results indicate the fact that urban residents, especially married females at reproductive ages, now have a correct understanding about the necessity of family planning policy and the significance of contraception for family planning. This is because the family planning policy has been implemented in the cities of China for a long time.

Chapter III: Occupations and Family Planning

In China the ratio of women's employment is high. Especially in city areas, nearly all married women at reproductive ages are working in various occupations. Therefore, for the overall evaluation of the family planning in city areas, it is also important to survey the relation between the women's occupation and the number of their children, as well as relations between their occupations and practice of birth control.

1. Occupation and the number of children
For this category, 94 females responded. Of them, 67 females had only one child, constituting 71.3% of the total. Concerning the number of females who had only one child by occupation, in the case of cadres in government agencies, party organizations and enterprises, there were 11 females (61.1%); of those engaged in professions requiring special techniques, 16 females (76.2%); of those working in service industries, six females (54.5%); of general workers, 14 females (93.3%); and of owners of private enterprises and self-employed workers, 20 females (68.2%).

The above results clearly show that, even in a comparison by occupation, the rate of females with only one child was highest. However, there were women who had two or more children. They were either women at a senior age or women of minority ethnic groups. (See Table 3.)

Table 3:Number of Children by Occupations

2. Occupation and the state of birth control
Survey results found that, of 100 surveyed females, 14 females had the experience of artificial abortion. By occupation, the number of females who had experience of abortion was: eight out of 23 females engaged in professions requiring special techniques; four out of 13 females working in service industries; and two out of 29 females who were owners of private enterprises and self-employed workers. The main reasons were, as stated above, the failure of contraceptive measures.

Table 4: Experience of Abortion by Occupation

As stated in Chapter II, the development of the city's family planning policy played an important role in achieving a great success in the citizens' family planning, as seen in the fact that married females at reproductive ages became to hold correct views toward contraception and artificial abortion which resulted from the failure of contraceptive measures. In urban areas females who were working at government agencies, engaged in professions requiring special techniques, or are working in service industries have a higher level of education than females in the countryside. However, in cities it is not necessary at present to pay any particular attention to the occupational differences in the implementation of family planning policy.

Chapter IV: Years of Married Life and Number of Children

1. Correlation between years of married life and the number of children
With regard to the correlation between the years of married life and number of children, it is generally understood that the longer the married life, the larger the number of children. In other words, the years of married life and the number of children are mutually correlated. However, in China where family planning has long been implemented, this correlation no longer exist. The result of this survey revealed that, as for those who got married in the 1970s, the number of children they had differs according to the years of married life. However, as for those who got married after 1980, there exists no particular correlation between the number of children and the years of married life. It can be understood that this fact is closely related with family planning ("one-child") policy implemented in 1979.

2. Years of married life and the number of children
Among 100 surveyed females, there were 53 females whose years of married life ranged from one to ten years. Of these 53 females, 50 had only one child, occupying 94.3%. The "one-child" advocation in the city areas started in 1979. It goes without saying that urban residents needed time to become aware of the importance of this policy. Females who got married from 1985 to 1994 were also included in this survey. Of 53 females who lived a married life for 1-10 years, as many as 50 had only one child. This fact reflects the effect of both the family planning policy and the restraint on the population growth, and also indicates the growing ratio of one-child families.

Of 35 females who lived a married life for 11-20 years, 25 had only one child, accounting for 71.4% of the total. All of the four females, who lived a married life for 21-30 years, had two children or more. Of the two females who lived a married life for more than 30 years, one had three children and the other had four. This fact apparently explains that before the implementation of the family planning policy in China, the years of married life and the number of children were mutually correlated. (See Table 5.)

Table 5: Number of Children by Years of Married Life

As shown in Table 5, by dividing the years of married life of females into 1-10, 11- 20, 21-30 and upward, we understand that females in each age group experienced different environments influenced by the policies on childbearing.

It can be said that those who lived a married for 1-10 years experienced the enforcement and stabilization period of the family planning policy. Because the "one-child" advocation started in 1979, as one aspect of the family planning policy, the period from 1979 to the latter half of the 1980s was the so-called policy enforcement period. As a result of the policy implementation which has brought about the changes in residents' own awareness of the government policy, as well as the changes in their sense of value toward their children, family planning was smoothly promoted during the period from the latter half of the 1980s to the present, thus leading to the stable implementation of the policy.

On the other hand, of the females with a married life of 11-20 years, some were married during the policy enforcement period, and others during the period when the policy was just put forward. Therefore, of females in this group, approximately 30% (actually 28.6%) had two or more children. Moreover, as for the females who lived a married life for 20-30 years, their ideas about the number of children were not affected by any policy during that period, contrary to the above two groups.

Chapter V: Number of Children, and Implementation of Contraceptive Measures

Females usually adopt contraceptive measures after they get married and give birth to their first child. However, with the recent changes in the sense of value toward children among people in city areas, some females continue to work for several years even after getting married, and then give birth to a child. Consequently, these females start taking contraceptive measures when they get married. This tendency was clearly shown in the survey results.

For example, of the married females in this survey, nine had no children. Seven of them were taking contraceptive measures. Of 67 females with only one child, 55 were taking contraceptive measures. This shows that 82. 1% of married females with one child were taking contraceptive measures. Of 12 surveyed females with two children, seven were taking contraceptive measures. There were two females having four children, and both of them had taken contraceptive measures in the past and were no longer doing so because they were already past reproductive age. (See Table 6.)

Table 6: Married Females' Adoption of Contraceptive Measures
by Number of Children

This survey also investigated the state of married females' artificial abortion by the number of their children. Of nine married females having no children, two had artificial abortion. Of 67 married females with one child, nine had experience of artificial abortion. (SeeTable7.)

Table 7: Married Females' Artificial Abortion by Number of Children

It should be noted from Table 7 that, out of nine females having no children, two females had the experience of artificial abortion. This is partly because there were changes in people's sense of value toward children, and such changes led some married females to have artificial abortion when they did not want to give birth to a child, even after they had become pregnant. This phenomenon was not imaginable before the popularization of family planning activities.

Chapter VI: Ideal Number of Children and Married Life

To investigate the existing number of children and an ideal number of children is very useful in grasping the actual circumstances of family planning and changes in the sense of value held by married females at reproductive ages. Especially in the cities of China where the "one-child" family is advocated, it is meaningful to know the extent of the recognition of married females at reproductive ages concerning the existing number of children in their family and an ideal number of children.

1. Existing number of children, and an ideal number of children
According to the results of this survey, of nine married females with no children, three females wanted to have one child, and two wanted to have two children. Of 38 married females with one child, 33 females responded that they did not want to have any more children, accounting for 86.8% of the total. However, five married females responded that they wanted to have one more child. (See Table 8.)

Table 8: Existing Number of Children, and Ideal Number of Children

The results of survey in Table 8 show that all females who already have two or three children do not want to have any more. These results also revealed that the ideal number of children held in the mind of the females surveyed basically coincided with the policy target of family planning. In other words, excluding only a very small number of females wanting more children, more than 85% (actually 86.8%) of married females at reproductive ages who already had one child did not want to have any more children. It should be understood that their way of thinking reflects the effectiveness of family planning implemented over a long period, as well as the changes in married females' sense of value toward children. Although this survey was rather small in scale, its results indicate the survey succeeded in grasping to some extent how married females in cities have recognized the significance of the family planning policy, and how they changed their sense of value.

2. Marriage status of the population surveyed
In order to look into how family planning changed along with the process of modernization and the changes in women's social status, it is necessary to study the status of marriage, and divorce, in particular.

Divorces bring about the dissolution of marriages and the disintegration of families. In the traditional family system in China, there did not exist any kind of agreed divorce, but only one-sided decisions by husbands. Therefore, wives had to endure oppression. No matter how cruel the oppression was, wives had no right to apply for divorce.

The Marriage Law was promulgated in 1950, just after the founding of New China. Let's take a look at the changes in the divorce ratio. In 1953, just after the promulgation of the Marriage Law, there occurred the first divorce boom with a record high of 1.17 million divorces (0.46 million in 1950, 0.57 million in 1951, and 1.06 million in 1952). The second boom was in 1962, with a total of 0.60 million divorces. The third boom began in 1980 with the revision of the Marriage Law. In 1980, it was 0.341 million (0.7%). The figure continued to increase year by year: 0.428 million (0. 8%) in 1982; 0.506 million (0.9%o) in 1986; 0.655 million (1.2%o) in 1988; 0.8 million (1.47%o) in 1990; 0.85 million (1.5%o) in 1992; and 0.903 (1.54%o) in 1993. After the reform and door-opening, the divorce ratio has been growing throughout the country year by year, and it is especially remarkable in city areas. Changchun city was no exception, and had the same tendency. For example, among 94 married females who responded concerning the state of their marriage, as many as eight females were divorced. (See Table 9.)

Table 9: State of Marriage by Number of Children

As shown in Table 9, of 94 married females, eight females were divorced, from which it is possible to know that divorce ratio in city areas is rising. When looking at the number of children, of 67 females with one child, six were divorced. Of 12 females with two children, two were divorced. Among these divorced females, the majority were aged 30 or so.

Chapter VII: Family Planning of In-migrants

When the reform and open-door policy was unfolded in China, the migratory population began increasing yearly. This situation has brought about new issues in administrating family planning of such a population.

1. Population concentration on urban areas
Along with the reform of the economic system and economic development, a great number of rural people have migrated into urban areas in recent years. This drastically expanded the urban population. In 1992, non-agricultural population in Chanchun city increased to 1,726,000 from 1,474,000 in 1985. This was an increase of 252,000, accounting for an average annual increase of 30,000 during that period. In 1992, of the total population, non-agricultural population occupied 80.05%, and the ratio between agricultural and non-agricultural populations reached 1:4. Such population concentration into urban areas promoted urban economic development on the one hand, and created various social problems on the other hand. In addition to problems of transportation, housing and education, the crime rate is also rising. At the same time, population concentration had a great impact on the administration of family planning.

According to the investigation conducted by the Statistics Bureau of Changchun City, during the period from 1985 to 1990, migratory population into Changchun numbered 202,494, of which the immigrants from overseas numbered only 62. Most of the rest were in-migrants from various cities and counties within Jilin Province. According to the statistics, those in-migrants from cities and counties within Jilin Province constituted 70.8% of total immigrants, with in-migrants from other provinces and regions constituting 29.15%. (See Table 10.)

Table 10: In-migrants to Changchun City from within Jilin
Province and Other Provinces

The urban area of Changchun city is divided into four districts. As seen in Table 10, the in-migrants into Chao Yang District are biggest in number, occupying 42.44% of the total. This concentration is one of the characteristics of the population flow in Changchun city. This is because most of universities in Changchun are concentrated in Chao Yang District.

2. In-migrants' family planning
As seen in the above analysis, in the process of the socioeconomic development of Changchun city, the city received a great number of in-migrants in recent years. It is necessary to pay keen attention to the actual circumstances of in-migrants' family planning.

In order to grasp the circumstances of in-migrants' family planning, an investigation was made on the number of years after in-migration and the number of in-migrants' children. Also, a comparison was made between the number of in-migrants' children and that of non-migrants' children. (See Table 11.)

Table 11: The Number of Children by Number of Years after In-migration

There were 69 in-migrants overall, as shown in Table 11. Those who lived in Changchun for 1-10 years after their in-migration are the largest in number. Of these 69 in-migrants, 49 had one child, accounting for 71.0% of the total. There were 31 in-migrants who lived there less than 10 years after their in-migration. Of them, 21 in-migrants had one child, accounting for 67.7% of the total. Among 22 in-migrants who lived there 11 -20 years after their in-migration, 14 in-migrants had one child, constituting 63.6% of the total.

The above figures clearly show that, in case of those who lived there 1-10 years or 11-20 years after their in-migration, the ratio of having one child is overwhelmingly high. Having lived there 20 years after in-migration means that they migrated to the city in 1975. The in-migrants at that time underwent the same family planning as non-migratory citizen did, influenced by the activities for the prevalence of the family planning policy when they in-migrated to the city. It also can be said that those who in-migrated in the 1980s had a similar experience of the family planning policy. There may have been differences in their actual in-migrating year. However, the family planning policy was actively promoted across the country when it turned to the 1980s. Therefore, these in-migrants were also led by the family planning policy while they were still in their home towns or villages.

Based on the above analysis, regardless of the number of years after in-migration, the ratio of having only one child being overwhelmingly high can be explained by the family planning policy in China being consistently implemented in all regions throughout the country.

Chapter VIII: Conclusion

1. Transformation of economic system and family planning
In the previous seven chapters, we summarized and analyzed the results of the survey on family planning in Changchun city. By developing the family planning policy and implementing the concrete activities in China from the latter half of the 1970s, we achieved great success in restraining the population growth. With the implementation of educational activities on family planning over a long period, the ratio of population growth has lowered. We also found an important factor in the survey results: People have also stepped out toward the "modern" from the "traditional" with regard to their way of thinking and sense of value.

This urban survey was conducted in December 1995. China's family planning policy has been implemented for about 20 years. During the same period, China has also implemented and experimented with the open-door policy and the market-oriented economic system. In the past 20 years, the economy in China has undergone a transition from the "socialist planned economic system" to a "socialist market-oriented economic system. " Family planning policy involvement in socioeconomic policies was no exception.

2. Family planning under a socialist market-oriented economy
Along with the transformation from the planned economic system to a market-oriented economic system in China, various new trials for family planning were taken up in many areas so that the planning would be geared to this large-scale structural transformation. For instance, at the beginning stage of the implementation of the family planning policy (in the latter half of the 1970s), the slogan of propaganda and educational activities was "For the sake of the country, let us practice later marriage, have later childbirth, have a small number of children, and bear and rear better children. " However, from the latter half of the 1980s, in compliance with the development of the reform in the economic structure, the propaganda policy for family planning took a big step forward. While the state of national population was publicized, the propaganda also centered around the "family, " namely, "For the happiness of family, let us practice later marriage, have later childbirth, have a small number of children, and bear and rear better children."

For example, Jilin Province took the lead in the trial implementation of the "three combinations of family planning." The three combinations mean: 1) combination of family planning with economic development, 2) combination of the family planning with the prosperity of the household economy, 3) combination of family planning with the creation of a family that is both civilized and happy. The three combinations were put forward first by Jilin Province, and they have already been popularized across the country. Recognized as well geared to the transformation to a market-oriented economic structure, the "three combinations" have already been listed in the Outlines of Family Planning Activities in China (1995-2000). It can be said that the three combinations have been taken up as the basic principle to guide the family planning policy under the structure of a socialist market-oriented economy.

As clarified in this survey, 95% of females surveyed expressed their consent to the family planning policy, and are now practicing birth control voluntarily. This explains their understanding that population control through family planning is directly related to the happiness of each family and the interest of every individual. In this conclusion, we have provided some explanation concerning the background of the socioeconomic system and the policy transformation in China because we consider these very important factors for family planning in China.

Wang Sheng-Jin,
Wang Hua-Bo,
An Qing-Chun,
Population Research Institute,
Jilin Universitys